Jeff in a must read piece tells a story about Denver ed deform. Ahhh, I remember how our chief deformer in the UFT, one Randi Weingarten, raved about the Denver deforms when they were announced and even played a role.
Which means people like Corey Booker are dead to us - note how smart Cuomo is to pull away from this stuff a year ago though we will never let him forget it.
If you followed the humiliating defeat of the deformers, some linked to Democrats, in Massachusetts last year -- one of the few victories in that election -- there are stories about them rebranding themselves as reported by Leonie Haimson:
Here is Jeff Bryant's piece on deform on the run -- esp Dems.
When Democrats win big like they did in last week’s
elections, Republicans understandably get nervous. But there's another
political faction that has something to fret about: folks who've aligned
themselves with what's come to be called "education reform”: the
embrace of school privatization, standardized testing and
tough-on-teacher measures. Although the reform campaign has long been
marketed as a bipartisan cause, it's increasingly apparent that the
better Democrats do at the polls, the worse the education reform agenda
does.
Mile High Warning
Results
from the Denver, Colorado school board contest could be especially
worrying for Democrats who've drunk the corporate education reform
Kool-Aid. In the Mile High City, the dominant power structure lost in a
contest it's used to winning.
As I
reported
last year, Denver has become the darling of the education policy
establishment. Its "portfolio model" of urban school governance relies
heavily on charter schools, standardized testing, and undermining
collective bargaining agreements teachers' unions have negotiated with
the district.
The Denver approach is a product of
bipartisanship, conceived by business-minded organizations connected to
Wall Street and Silicon Valley, financed by wealthy private foundations
and philanthropists like the Walton Family Foundation, and implemented
by center-left politicians like Democratic Colorado Senator Michael
Bennet who once led the Denver school district. Its
biggest cheerleader
currently is David Osborne of the Progressive Policy Institute, the
Clinton-era “ideas shop” that has been pushing the privatization of
public services for more than 30 years.
Denver’s bipartisan powerbrokers have used
huge infusions of political donations
coming from outside the community to engineer a controlling majority on
the city’s school board. But this well-oiled political machine hit a
pothole in November. Of the four races up for contention, two went to
the establishment and
two went to newcomers who want to take Denver schools in a totally different direction.
When Big Money Doesn't Dictate
Of the two upset candidates, Jennifer Bacon and Carrie Olson,
Olson is the far bigger surprise. Olson's victory was "really extraordinary,"
writes
former Denver school board member Jeannie Kaplan on her personal blog.
"Big money won in 3 out of 4 contests," she says, referring to both
contributions to Bacon from the teachers' unions and money from outside
pressure groups such as Democrats for Education Reform that went to two
candidates who lost. "They didn’t win in all four for the first time in
several election cycles in Denver," she observes.
While both candidates were
endorsed by the local teachers' union, Bacon was the only one to receive much in the way of financial backing from the union.
According
to a local campaign watchdog, Bacon received nearly $139,000 from the
union-backed PAC, Brighter Futures for Denver—far and away the most of
any other candidate. Olson, on the other hand, had late in the race
shown no funding from the union and only a small donation from Our
Denver Our Schools, a grassroots progressive group in the district.
In other words, Olson was outspent by her opponent by nearly five to one. She won anyway.
What Changed?
An
eight-year veteran of the Denver school board, Jeannie Kaplan has lived
in Denver for over 40 years and raised children in the local public
schools. She first ran for school board in 2005 in an open seat contest
and won but was term-limited out in 2013. She is co-founder of Our
Denver Our Schools.
"What was different this time?" I asked her during a phone call.
"There was an enormous groundswell of volunteers" in support of Olson, she explained, "the highest levels I've ever seen."
What
also was different was the level of disenchantment among voters with
what Kaplan called "the Bennet machine," referring to the Democratic
senator and ex-superintendent. After years of grassroots effort by the
opposition to this machine, "people are paying more attention," she
believes, "and they're better informed."
Denver school teacher
Hayley Breden agrees. Breden teaches high school social studies and is a
member of the Caucus of Today's Teachers, a progressive,
social-justice-minded faction within the local teacher's union and
another group that supported Olson.
"People were shocked to learn
the Denver school board didn't have a sitting member who was a teacher,"
Breden told me in a phone conversation. Olson is a 33-year veteran
teacher.
There's also a "growing resentment" among voters over the
current board's policies, Breden believes. Parents are increasingly
frustrated with the district's "school choice" enrollment process that
often leaves parent bereft of the choice of enrolling their children in
schools that are a walkable distance from home. Parents also often don't
agree with how the district's school rating system, that relies mostly
on test scores, labels their schools. And they're increasingly resentful
when the district co-locates a charter school in their children's
school building without any input from parents and teachers in the
school. Breden works in one of only three high schools in the district
that does not have a charter co-located in the same building.
To
Breden and others in her grassroots movement, Denver's school governance
increasingly looks like an effort by those who are "out to destroy
public schools."
She sees the results of the Denver board election
as a sign of people becoming more engaged in local politics. "Maybe
even the beginning of the pendulum swing," says Kaplan.
A Raging Debate
Denver is far from the only place where a raging debate over the future of public education is playing out. As Education Week
reports
in its post-election analysis, in states where Democrats
prevailed—including New Jersey, Virginia, and
Washington—"long-simmering" battles over charter schools, funding, and
testing will likely heat up as a result.
The reporter
notes, "political maneuvers used by education policy advocates" in those
contests, particularly the tactics used by teachers' unions and
opponents of standardized testing and charter schools, seemed to be an
effective way to "animate moderate voters." Once animated, these voters
may be more likely to press for real action.
In the
Virginia governors' contest, Democratic candidate Ralph Northam
criticized education policies that had become "too reliant on test
scores" and presented himself as a "fierce charter school opponent."
While Trumpism may have doomed Ed Gillespie, he also ran as the school
choice candidate. Ads on Gillespie’s behalf,
paid for by Koch-funded Americans for Prosperity, even featured the testimony of a charter school principal.
In
New Jersey, Democrat Phil Murphy also won the governor's race in part
by pledging to pull the state's current standardized testing contract,
to increase funding for schools, and to veer sharply away from education
policies advocated by outgoing Republican Governor Chris Christie who
strongly championed charter schools and quarreled with the state's
teachers' union.
In New Jersey and Washington, Democrats
took full control of the state's legislature, while the fate of
Virginia's House of Delegates awaits recounts.
So in all
these states, where charter schools and education funding have been
near-constant battles, Democrats will increasingly have the burden of
leading those battles rather than just going along for the ride.
End of the Washington Consensus?
For decades, Beltway education policy shops run by Democrats and Republicans have
united in a "Washington Consensus" on common goals for public schools, including,
closing schools based on results of standardized tests,
using students' test scores to evaluate teachers,
expanding competition from charter schools, and
advocating for alternative pathways to the teaching profession such as Teach for America.
For
those Democrats who've been generally aligned with education policies
promoted by Fordham and other Beltway influencers, it may be startling
for them to learn that victories for their party at the ballot box could
be interpreted as defeats for the very ideas they've long promoted. And
Democrats who've used their minority status as an excuse for reaching
"across the aisle" to Republicans on education, now face the prospect in
some states of being called out for undermining a Democratic majority
if they continue to collude with Republicans on education.
November's results “should be a warning light,”
declared
Mike Petrilli, president of the right-leaning Fordham Institute. If the
defeats the education establishment endured in this year's election are
indeed a sign of a swing, the pendulum will be a punch in the gut to
school policy leaders in both parties.
The chutzpah of the so called reformers is without bounds. They have created a cornucopia of theories of education based not on research, or experience, but pulled out of thin air. They have wreaked untold damage on children, teachers and communities.
ReplyDeleteAbigail Shure