Teachers union faction wants to shake up electoral status quo.
The article below in In These Times is by James Cersonsky a Philadephia based journalist who has been working on this piece for a while. I spoke to him along the way but thankfully am not quoted.
In These Times: http://inthesetimes.
Dissident Caucus Aims to Give NYC Teachers Union M.O.R.E.
BY JAMES CERSONSKY
Members of New York's Movement of Rank-and-File Educators (MORE) turned 
out to support striking Con Ed workers in early July. Founded this year,
 MORE plans to challenge the reign of the Unity caucus in next year's 
union elections.   (Photo via Facebook)
“You’ve got to stop thinking about education as a monopoly,” says former
 New York City education Chancellor Joel Klein in the documentary, The Inconvenient Truth behind Waiting for Superman.
 Klein’s anti-monopoly stance—based on a portfolio model of education 
that runs on school turnarounds and choice—goes hand-in-hand with the 
monopoly that he and his successors under Mayor Michael Bloomberg have 
had over school reform in the country’s largest urban district since the
 instatement of mayoral control in 2001. In the last decade, the 
Bloomberg administration has closed 140
 schools and opened 589 new ones, many of which are privately operated 
“small schools” that directly replace neighborhood schools.
The Unity Caucus of 
New York’s United Federation of Teachers (UFT) also runs a monopoly—or 
so dissident caucuses have argued over the course of Unity’s unchecked 
reign since the UFT’s founding in 1960. The newest opposition is the 
Movement of Rank-and-File Educators (MORE), which was founded this year 
and will vie for union leadership in next year’s elections.
In February, MORE 
leaders hosted a conference attended by more than 200 teachers with 
workshops on union history, chapter leadership, and broader issues like 
high-stakes testing and school funding. After a founding meeting with 70
 teachers and allies in March, the caucus settled on a name and a mission statement.
MORE’s opposition to Unity leadership covers a range of issues:
 the incumbents’ support for mayoral control under Randi Weingarten in 
2001 and again (though less stridently) under current President Michael 
Mulgrew in 2009; its agreement to merit pay in 2005; and a “weak stand” 
on school closings, charters, co-locations, class-size reduction and 
testing.
Rank-and-file 
dissidence in the UFT is as old as Unity’s incumbency. New Action was 
the primary opposition caucus for two decades until 2003, when it 
reached a détente with Weingarten that effectively killed its militancy.
 Two newer caucuses—the Independent Community of Educators (ICE) and 
Teachers for a Just Contract (TJC)—filled the void. Both represented 
different elements within the UFT: ICE members were older and 
predominantly white; TJC was younger and more focused on direct action.
In 2005, ICE and TJC combined forces in response to that year’s contract,
 which instituted merit pay and absentee teachers reserves, or ATRs. 
Before 2005, teachers who were laid off due to school closings were 
slotted by the city’s Department of Education into vacancies in other 
schools. With the new contract, teachers lost seniority placement rights
 and had to apply for new jobs while remaining on the DOE’s payroll. 
Despite widespread outcry from teachers, the ICE-TJC opposition still 
lost the 2007 and 2010 union elections by large margins.
This year, UFT leaders signed onto a new evaluation system requiring 40% of teacher ratings to be based on local or state student tests. The union was under pressure from
 officials to agree to a greater role for high-stakes testing in order 
to restore $58 million in federal Race to the Top funding.
MORE has taken an unconditional stand against testing, joining hundreds of other organizations nationwide in signing the National Resolution on High-Stakes Testing.
 In order to reverse corporate reform—a tall order given federal 
pressures and the city’s determination to shed its schools’ 
workforces—the caucus envisions a new unionism based on member 
organizing and wide-scale community partnership.
“Right now the majority of members who get angry respond by tuning the union out,” says Kit Wainer, a former TJC member who
 has been teaching for 24 years. “That’s the problem that we’re 
struggling against. Through education, through organizing our own 
actions, hopefully we can change it.”
Unlike previous caucuses, MORE is an alliance of dissident teachers and teacher-community groups. It includes Teachers Unite, a non-profit that has run organizing trainings for teachers and is currently collaborating with the Urban Youth Collective on “Dignity in Schools,” a campaign for restorative justice to stop the school-to-prison pipeline; the Grassroots Education Movement (GEM),
 which runs forums and protests around school turnarounds and has 
attended virtually every city turnaround hearing since its formation in 
2005; and the New York Collective of Radical Educators (NYCoRE), which organizes around social justice principles through meetings, peer-led conferences, and inquiry-to-action study groups.
“Part of the work of 
transforming the UFT is not to be a union all about bargaining but also a
 union that promotes a discussion of pedagogy that’s richer and appeals 
to community,” says Sally Lee, a former elementary school teacher and 
now the executive director of Teachers Unite.
“It can be about the 
disappearance of black and Latino educators,” adds Rosie Frascella, a 
leader of NYCoRE’s “NYQueer” campaign for queer justice and a former 
organizer with SEIU who compares her experience with SEIU’s “top-down” 
unionism to the UFT. “It can be fighting stop-and-frisk policy. It can 
be about huge questions of poverty and housing and healthcare.”
Unity incumbents do have their own community partnerships and strategies to buffer school turnarounds. Together with the
 Bronx’s Community Collaborative to Improve District 9 Schools, the 
union started the Lead Teacher Program in 2004 to attract teachers to 
the district and cultivate peer support. The Coalition for Educational 
Justice, a citywide composite of community groups, has fought alongside 
the union to preserve free student MetroCards and school dollars in the 
city’s budget.
Last month, the union won its suit against
 the city for turning around 24 schools under the pretense of replacing 
them with “new schools,” but really, as the union argued, as a maneuver 
to remove half their staffs. MORE has come out against this legal 
strategy. “Even if the lawsuits succeed,” a May pamphlet read, “they 
will merely delay the closings and leave our members in schools with 
shrinking enrollment, worried for their futures, and no better organized
 to fight back than they were a year ago.”
MORE’s vision is to 
expand on the community outreach of its affiliate groups and build 
member power through direct organizing. Thus far, internal capacity 
building has taken the form of electing chapter leaders—which, in many 
schools, are merely appointed by the principal and functionally 
non-existent—and bolstering existing pockets of support. This focus on 
organizing, while yet to assume full shape, takes after the work of the Caucus of Rank-and-File Educators (CORE) in Chicago, which currently leads the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU).
“In terms of 
political and social orientation I think we have a lot in common with 
CORE,” Wainer says, “turning a union into a force to fight for members’ 
rights and also allying with larger forces to fight for quality 
schools.”
MORE’s connection 
with Chicago goes beyond vision. NYCoRE is a close ally of its Chicago 
equivalent, Teachers for Social Justice, an active force in
 the CORE-led CTU. Leaders from MORE and CORE have built relationships 
through a variety of meetings, including an international teacher 
conference that CORE hosted last summer and a presentation that CORE 
leaders gave at Columbia’s Teachers College in 2010.
MORE is sober about 
its challenges in replicating CORE’s efforts—winning union leadership 
and shifting discourse and policy in the city.
“The election next year is going to be a massive operation on our part,”
 says Sam Coleman, a seventh-year dual-language teacher. “We have more 
people than any of the opposition groups have ever had, because we’ve 
pulled so many groups together. Our work is still finding those people 
who are willing to do extra work.”
The vastness of New York’s school system, along with the coverage of Unity leadership and loyalty from
 retiree voters, poses a major uphill battle for any opposition caucus. 
MORE has almost no representation in Staten Island and in large parts of
 Queens, Brooklyn and the Bronx. By contrast, the incumbents uprooted by
 CORE in Chicago had only been in office for six years and lacked 
anything remotely resembling Unity’s electoral machine in New York. 
What’s more, the writing had been on the wall in Chicago for 
longer—mayoral control was granted by Republican state legislators in 
1995, and had been followed by a string of charter-happy public school 
CEOs, including Arne Duncan.
“There was much more 
of a sense among Chicago teachers that their careers were on the line,” 
says Wainer. “We have no choice but to engage in patient organizing, 
which may take a long time. On the other hand, there could be an 
explosion of activity if the climate changes.”
Here's something the Unity Caucus/UFT has not signed onto: an elected school board.
See this video from Chicago where the union has called for such a board.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=1rcDyfzOVZY#!
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The opinions expressed on EdNotesOnline are solely those of Norm Scott and are not to be taken as official positions (though Unity Caucus/New Action slugs will try to paint them that way) of any of the groups or organizations Norm works with: ICE, GEM, MORE, Change the Stakes, NYCORE, FIRST Lego League NYC, Rockaway Theatre Co., Active Aging, The Wave, Aliens on Earth, etc.
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